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Showing posts with label bush. Show all posts

The New Pearl Harbor Revisited: 9/11, the Cover-Up, and the Exposé Review

The New Pearl Harbor Revisited: 9/11, the Cover-Up, and the Exposé
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In THE NEW PEARL HARBOR REVISITED, David Ray Griffin provides a brilliant and much-needed companion to his path-breaking and movement-building book on 9/11, The New Pearl Harbor (NPH; 2004). Now, on the occasion of the seventh anniversary of those horrific events, Griffin surveys in detail all the main lines of evidence against the official account of 9/11 to have emerged during the last four years. THE NEW PEARL HARBOR REVISITED (NPHR) has been designed as volume 2 of a two-volume set with NPH as volume 1; together they provide a thorough and up-to-date case against the official conspiracy theory (they can be bought separately, of course).
Griffin has already published four other books that provide in-depth analysis of most of the evidence to have emerged since 2004. NPHR's main purpose is to provide an easily accessible survey of all of the new evidence, so that it is now possible for a beginner to the subject (including journalists and members of Congress) to master its enormous complexity simply by reading two books. NPHR is structured identically to NPH; each chapter in NPHR comments and builds on the corresponding chapter in NPH. Much of the content is entirely new; there are many facts and analyses in NPHR which Griffin presents for the first time, and which literally make the book an up-to-the-minute statement of the case.
In the Preface, Griffin explains why he undertook to "update" The New Pearl Harbor. In the Introduction he outlines the continued failure of the press to investigate any of the questions raised against the official account, and the lame attempts, especially by the main "progressive" or "left" appendages of the press, to portray such questioning as lunacy. He provides a brief overview of the history of "false-flag" operations, including the Pentagon's Operation Northwoods, halted by President Kennedy. Griffin then argues that the term "conspiracy theory" is used dishonestly to prevent investigation of the claims of critics (and never to describe the government's theory about 19 Arab hijackers controlled from a cave in Afghanistan).
The very substantial first chapter tackles two major issues, the timing of events related to flights AA 11 and UA 175 and the collapses of the WTC buildings. Griffin shows that the 9/11 Commission's new timeline is contradicted by much solid evidence and is inherently unbelievable. The Commission claims that the military was not notified by the FAA of the flight emergency on flight UA 175 until much later than the time the military itself had claimed during the years between 9/11 and the publication of the Commission's Report in 2004. The Commission based its new claim on the "NORAD Tapes," a set of purportedly genuine tapes of telephone communications between the FAA and NORAD on the morning of 9/11. But these tapes were never produced until 2004, after the glaring holes in the Pentagon's defense against the charge of a standdown had become evident, and are probable fakes, which Griffin shows would have been easy to produce. The strongest indication that they are indeed fakes is that they contradict mountains of highly diverse independent lines of evidence.
Then he treats the new official story about how the Twin Towers collapsed, as presented in the NIST (National Institute of Standards and Technology) Report of 2005. He thoroughly deconstructs NIST's five "crucial claims": (i) that designers of the buildings had not anticipated the possibility of airliner impacts; (ii) that many core and peripheral columns were severed by the plane impacts, and that fire-proofing material was stripped off many other core columns; (iii) that the now-unprotected core columns were then weakened by fire to the point of buckling; (iv) that the floors then sagged and pulled the perimeter columns inward; and (v) that the downward momentum of the upper portions of the buildings was so great that they collapsed "essentially in free fall," i.e. that there was virtually no resistance at all to the fall through the undamaged lower portions of the buildings. For each of these claims Griffin is easily able to show that NIST in fact provides no supporting evidence for them!
He then proceeds to demonstrate that NIST ignored vast amounts of relevant evidence for controlled demolition of the buildings: explosions witnessed by first responders; horizontal ejections of huge sections of steel perimeter columns; melting of steel, indicating temperatures far higher than can be reached by jet-fuel and office-materials fires; and residues indicating explosives were used, including iron and aluminum microspheres in dust from the WTC (a typical product of thermite reactions) and "red chips" in the dust with thermite's chemical signature.
Griffin concludes Chapter 1 with a survey of the strong evidence for controlled demolition of WTC 7, the 47-story skyscraper that was not struck by a plane, had only minor fires inside, and yet collapsed into its footprint late in the afternoon at free-fall speed (in under six seconds). Although tasked with an explanation, NIST had still not provided one when Griffin's book went to press. Griffin lays out in detail the many explanatory challenges still ahead for the agency, including the vertical, symmetrical collapse; the pool of melted steel underneath the debris pile for weeks afterwards; the free-fall speed of collapse; the similarity of the collapse to classic controlled demolition; the testimony by NYC officials Barry Jennings and Michael Hess reporting explosions inside hours before the building collapsed; the foreknowledge, hours before, that the building was going to fall; the array of evidence that the building was intended to fall in the morning at about the same time as the Towers; the media's premature announcement of its collapse; and Larry Silverstein's evident admission that the building was demolished. (Now that NIST's report on WTC 7 has finally appeared, one can see that it fulfilled Griffin's expectation that it would simply ignore all the evidence that is inconsistent with its fire theory of the collapse.)
In Chapter 2, Griffin takes up the many developments since 2004 with respect to Flight 77 and the events that occurred at the Pentagon. He shows that Solicitor General Ted Olson's claim to have received phone calls from his wife Barbara on Flight 77 cannot be true: it is self-contradictory (sometimes he claimed she called on a cell phone, and at other times on a seat-back phone), and it has even been abandoned by the FBI in its summary evidence of all phone calls from all the flights submitted at the Zacarias Moussaoui trial in 2006, which said that no connected call was made by her. These claimed calls from Barbara Olson were the principal "evidence" put forward to substantiate the assertion that the Flight 77 was still in the air and headed toward Washington D.C., and that it was hijacked by Arab Muslims.
Griffin then presents a detailed analysis of a broad array of physical evidence indicating that the Pentagon was not struck by a Boeing 757: photos of the damage to the outside of the building; lack of suitable debris; lack of video evidence; lack of time-change parts from the planes; no flight data recorder with the correct serial number has ever been produced; lack of a seismic signal of such an impact; the inexplicable C-Ring hole inside the Pentagon; the contradictory eye-witness evidence; the implausibility of terrorists striking the West Wing, farthest away from the offices of the top brass; and the known inability of Hani Hanjour to fly an airliner with the skill required by the claimed 330-degree downward spiral at high speed.
Again Griffin shows that the 9/11 Commission has distorted and suppressed evidence for the evident standdown of the air defense system, principally by creating a new timeline of events (based again on the dubious "NORAD Tapes") of Flight 77 and thereby claiming the FAA did not notify the Pentagon of the flight emergency in time to intercept the plane. This claim falls for the same reason it does in the cases of flights 11 and 175: it contradicts reams of evidence from multiple independent sources, and is supported only by the Pentagon's and the Commission's claim that the tapes are genuine. In addition Griffin shows that the Commission's claims that no interceptor aircraft were available at Andrews Air Base, and that Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and acting Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Richard Myers were unavailable to coordinate a defensive response, are false.
Griffin also surveys witness accounts of bombs inside the Pentagon, considers the question why there was no evacuation of the building (even under the Commission's claimed timeline there was ample time for evacuation), asks why Wedges 1 and 2 might have been selected by the real perpetrators, shows that the Commission suppressed the account of Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta that is most plausibly interpreted as indicating that a standdown order had been given by Vice President Dick Cheney to prevent interception of a craft approaching the Pentagon, and several other important lines of evidence.
The many mysteries of Flight 93 over Pennsylvania are the subject of Chapter 3. Griffin's analysis of the evidence developed since the publication of NPH in 2004 has led to a fundamental shift in his perspective on Flight 93. He no longer assumes, as he did at the time of the earlier book, that phone calls from the plane provide any evidence for what occurred onboard. This is because it is now clear that cell phone calls from planes at high altitude were technologically impossible on 9/11. And yet, family members and others evidently received cell phone calls that morning from people on the flight. As there is no basis to imagine all the recipients are lying, they must...Read more›

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The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions about the Bush Administration and 9/11 Review

The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions about the Bush Administration and 9/11
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A theologist raising a lone voice against a high crime of state reminds one immediately of the Nazi scourge and the almost lone voice of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, whom Hitler hanged a few days before the end, to rob him of any sense of victory or redemption that he might have enjoyed.
The Bush regime presented a similarly hard face of universalist missionary zeal, albeit not uniformed, with a messianic vision of putting the world to rights, an enormous military machine with which to do it, curfew-lite civil rights, and a consumer economy in a state of overheated boom. The post-9/11 regime granted the attacks religious icon status, with pictures of brave firemen at Ground Zero being played to children in school across the nation over the sound of the Stars and Stripes every morning.
The so-called War on Terror was declared, although it was strangely at odds with the Americans' indulgent attitude to terror as practised by the US-funded IRA in the UK, with the government of Mrs Thatcher being blown out of their beds at three in the morning at the Grand Hotel, Brighton, and vast swathes of commercial real estate gutted in Manchester and London. Suddenly, America was rising up in righteous fury.
It now seems that America's righteous fury was directed into wars that the Bush regime had long been planning behind the scenes. Indeed, the 9/11 attacks might have been a pre-emptive measure against a war in Afghanistan that the Pentagon was already plotting. Or, perish the thought, did they occur as a pretext for that war?
Dr Griffin, a student of "postmodern process theology", whose latest academic work was entitled "Reenchantment without Supernaturalism: A Process Philosophy of Religion", does not come down either way in his study of the "disturbing questions about the Bush Administration and 9/11".
Neatly timing his book to coincide with the Presidential elections, Dr Griffin is content simply to rehearse all the arguments long published on the internet and to categorise them by stages of criminality, rather like a judge would in a court when considering the sentence. Judgement in this book would start with impeachment, disgrace and exile, and end with stringing from a lamp-post like Mussolini.
If any misdeed mentioned by Dr Griffin in this cool, rational appraisal of the evidence is ever endorsed by a brave whistle-blower, Bush and his team are toast.
Dr Griffin freely admits that he is advocating the writings of others, from Jared Israel and Mike Ruppert to Thierry Meyssan and Paul Thompson, author of the enormous 9/11 timeline. Unlike them, however, he does not get mixed up in detail. For example, he ignores whether there were hijackers or not, because it is not vital to the argument. He never mentions Israel or Mossad, thus avoiding the wrath of the ADL, Harvard university and a huge chunk of the American intelligensia. He sifts out the nuggets and lays them out in a beautifully organised case, categorising the charges by eight degrees of complicity. The logic of the evidence is inexorable, starting with the most screaming fact of all: standard procedure was ignored in all four hijackings, meaning that the airliners cruised to their targets without being intercepted---and the administration first said that no scramble was ordered until after Flight 77 had hit the Pentagon, then changed their story. That very fact is the most egregious case of gross incompetence, yet nobody's head has rolled. Indeed, the incompetence argument is denied every time by the absence of consequences for the culpable.
Dr Griffin presents the evidence that no airliner ever hit the Pentagon, and suggests that Flight 93 was only shot down when it appeared that the "Let's roll!" crowd of rebellious passengers were about to beat the hijackers.
He examines the evidence that the Twin Towers were felled by demolition charges, as was WTC 7, crammed with top-secret offices, seven hours later.
He examines all the evidence of collusion before the event, including the implication of Pakistan's security service, and lists all the benefits to the regime afterwards.
Finally, he takes his whole case and puts all the arguments that dismantle it, e.g. if only Ted Olsen's evidence suggests Flight 77 was hijacked, did Ted Olsen sacrifice his celebrity wife for the White House? This and many other examples could easily be put straight by the independent inquiry that Griffin is calling for. Finally, Griffin turns to the incompetence theory (already scuppered by the complete absence of rolling heads) and points out the enormous number of major coincidences that have to be accepted to allow it. They defy belief.
This book should put the Bush team on the run; perhaps they already are. Things have moved on radically since this work was conceived about a year ago. Bush's enemies have a leader in John Kerry, and they have missiles, in the form of torture photographs and videos obtained from perverts at Abu Ghraib jail. The images are being leaked almost daily, and Bush's poll ratings plunge with every fresh issue. He is holed below the water-line and sinking visibly. Senior Pentagon figures are calling for the whole team to be fired. Their days seem to be numbered.
However, another aspect of Dr Griffin's book holds true. If any of the "disturbing questions" have equally disturbing answers, we can expect a huge affirmation to occur in the form of an atrocity that will apotheosize the dim-witted president, enshrine his administration in the sacred blood of unending war and condemn Grifin's questions to the rubbish dump of history.

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